[A friend has favored the editor with the following fragment,
being the only speech known to be preserved in the New Hampshire
Convention on adopting the federal Constitution of the United States.]
PAGE 7, SEC. 9th. "The migration or importation of such persons
as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall
not be prohibited by Congress prior to the year 1808; but a tax or
duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars
for each person."
The Hon. Mr. DOW, from Weare, spoke very sensibly and feelingly
against this paragraph.
Several members, on the other side, spoke in favor of it, with
remarks on what Mr. Dow had said; after which, the Hon. JOSHUA
ATHERTON, from Amherst, spoke as follows: —
Mr. President, I cannot be of the opinion of the honorable
gentlemen who last spoke, that this paragraph is either so useful or
so inoffensive as they seem to imagine, or that the objections to it
are so totally void of foundation. The idea that strikes those, who
are opposed to this clause, so disagreeably and so forcibly, is,
hereby it is conceived (if we ratify the Constitution) that we
become consenters to, and partakers in, the sin and
guilt of this abominable traffic, at least for a certain period,
without any positive stipulation that it should even then be brought
to an end. We do not behold in it that valuable acquisition so much
boasted of by the honorable member from Portsmouth, "that an end
is then to be put to slavery." Congress may be as much, or more,
puzzled to put a stop to it then, than we are now. The clause has
not secured its abolition.
We do not think ourselves under any obligation to perform works
of supererogation in the reformation of mankind; we do not esteem
ourselves under any necessity to go to Spain or Italy to suppress
the inquisition of those countries; or of making a journey to the
Carolinas to abolish the detestable custom of enslaving the
Africans; but, sir, we will not lend the aid of our ratification to
this cruel and inhuman merchandise, not even for a day. There is a
great distinction in not taking a part in the most barbarous
violation of the sacred laws of God and humanity, and our becoming
guaranties for its exercise for a term of years. Yes, sir, it is our
full purpose to wash our hands clear of it; and, however unconcerned
spectators we may remain of such predatory infractions of the laws
of our nature, however unfeelingly we may subscribe to the
ratification of manstealing, with all its baneful consequences, yet
I cannot but believe, in justice to human nature, that, if we
reserve the consideration, and bring this claimed power somewhat
nearer to our own doors, we shall form a more equitable opinion of
its claim to this ratification. Let us figure to ourselves a company
of these manstealers, well equipped for the enterprise, arriving on
our coast. They seize and carry off the whole or a part of the
inhabitants of the town of Exeter. Parents are taken, and children
left; or possibly they may be so fortunate as to have a whole family
taken and carried off together by these relentless robbers. What
must be their feelings in the hands of their new and arbitrary
masters? Dragged at once from every thing they held dear to them —
stripped of every comfort of life, like beasts of prey — they are
hurried on a loathsome and distressing voyage to the coast of
Africa, or some other quarter of the globe, where the greatest price
may await them; and here, if any thing can be added to their
miseries, comes on the heart-breaking scene! A parent is sold to
one, a son to another, and a daughter to a third! Brother is cleft
from brother, sister from sister, and parents from their darling
offspring! Broken with every distress that human nature can feel,
and bedewed with tears of anguish, they are dragged into the last
stage of depression and slavery, never, never to behold the faces of
one another again! The scene is too affecting. I have not fortitude
to pursue the subject!